Now the transition phase is ending, wages can start rising

This year should see the end of the economy's protracted "transition" back to business as usual. You beaut.

Resources booms - or any other booms - are nice, but the subsequent busts are always hard. We'll know the bust is over when the fall in investment in mining construction - which began in late-2012 - tails off at the end of this year.

According to Reserve Bank governor Philip Lowe, we've already come 90 per cent of the way.

As a matter of simple arithmetic, the removal of this "negative contribution" to quarterly growth in gross domestic product will leave the figures a lot stronger.

This will be a triumph for the managers of our macro economy, particularly at the Reserve Bank.

Back in 2014, some of the biggest names in Australian economics were predicting that, in the absence of major reform leading to a huge boost in our productivity, we'd end up in recession.

To get back to normal we needed not only a big fall in our exchange rate from the heights it reached during the boom, but a period of weak wages growth to ensure the fall in the nominal exchange rate became a fall in our real exchange rate, thus yielding a lasting improvement in the international price competitiveness of our export and import-competing industries.

This is the bit the big-name economists didn't believe we'd pull off.

But we have. Which serves as a reminder that the weak wages growth we've experienced since mid-2012 isn't just some random bit of bad luck for workers, but a key part of the process by which the economy gets back to normal.

The economist who's long made a close study of Australia's commodity booms, past and present, and the problems they've caused when they bust, is Dr David Gruen, now deputy secretary, economic, of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet.

In a speech he gave last week, Gruen reviewed the progress of our transition phase.

He started by reminding us of just how big an "economic shock" to our economy the resources boom has been. The size of the improvement in our terms of trade (export prices relative to import prices) makes it easily the biggest sustained boom in our history.

Since their peak in September 2011, however, they've deteriorated by more than 30 per cent.

The boom in mining construction saw it increase from less than 2 per cent of GDP to a peak of about 9 per cent in 2012-13.

This resulted in something like a quadrupling in the mining industry's stock of physical capital, and a tripling in its production capacity, in the space of a decade.

"The largest investment was in liquefied natural gas production capacity, with Australia on track to overtake Qatar as the world's largest sea-based exporter of LNG," Gruen said.

The economic activity and employment that accompanied the investment boom caused a significant re-alloc​ation of labour across industries, but this has now been largely unwound as mining projects reach completion.

The improvement in the terms of trade caused sustained growth in real income per person (much of it coming in the form of lower prices for imports and overseas travel).

Since their peak in 2011, the terms of trade have subtracted from income growth by so much that, even with reasonable improvement in the productivity of labour, real gross national income per person has been falling.

"This is reflected in gradually falling real average earnings per hour over the past four years - for the first time in living memory," Gruen said.

With an end to the trend deterioration in the terms of trade now in prospect - they've been improving for the past three quarters - it shouldn't be long before real incomes start growing again, with the size of that real growth strongly influenced by the rate of improvement in labour productivity.

It's important to note that the unusual ease with which overall real wages have adjusted to, first, the boom and then the bust, is explained by the way relative wages in particular industries (relative to the economy-wide average wage) have behaved in a textbook-like fashion.

As the resources boom gathered strength from 2004, strong demand for labour in the resources, construction, and professional services sectors saw wages strengthen relative to those in other sectors.

Relative wages in healthcare and manufacturing stayed close to the economy-wide average, while relative wages in retail trade, and accommodation and food services, grew more slowly than the average.

But then, as the resources boom receded after 2011, wage growth in the resources, construction, and professional services sectors slowed to less than the average, enabling wages in other sectors to catch up somewhat.

Gruen expects this pattern to continue as the resources investment downswing runs its course.

"This sort of relative wage adjustment didn't occur in the [commodity booms of the] 1970s or early 1980s, and the result was significant increases in unemployment - an outcome we've succeeded in avoiding during the latest episode," he said.

So how come the big-name economists' forebodings proved misplaced?

I think they underestimated the extent to which the micro-economic reforms of the 1980s and '90s, combined with the improved "frameworks" for the conduct of macro-economic management, have made the economy more flexible - better able to roll with punches from economic shocks; less inflation-prone and unemployment-prone - and hence easier to keep growing at a reasonably stable pace.

In particular, they underestimated the way the moves to a floating exchange rate, an independent central bank and decentralised wage-fixing would help us cope with our periodic commodity booms.

In their enthusiasm to urge more micro reforms on us, they failed to realise how much we'd benefited from those we'd already made.

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Shorten's New Year's resolution: practice what I preach

People are always complaining that our politicians – on both sides – are "out of touch". They're too high and mighty to understand the things that are annoying ordinary people in ordinary life.

This is a big part of the reason almost one person in four voted for a minor party in last year's election. The political establishment just doesn't get it.

But one of our pollies does claim to have got the message. Wading through all the usual guff in the start-of-the-year speech Bill Shorten gave last week, I came upon a passage so surprising I thought it worth recording.

"Restoring ... faith in the system is the threshold challenge for politics today. Rusted-on supporters and deep tribal loyalties are not what they once were," he said.

"There is one certainty in 2017: people are disengaged from politics and they're distrustful of politicians.

"To many Australians the political system is broken – and more than a few don't trust us to fix it.

"I say 'us' because virtually everyone in this room [at the National Press Club] is considered part of the problem, part of the political class.

"Rightly or wrongly, fairly or unfairly, we are seen as members of the same insider club, letting down the rest of Australia.

"This sense of alienation isn't a local curiosity – it's a global phenomenon. Strong enough to take Britain out of Europe – and put Donald Trump in the White House.

"And in these unusual times, politics-as-usual doesn't cut it any more.

"Yes, we are an adversarial democracy, built on the clash of ideas – I honour that. My job, as Leader of the Opposition, is to oppose what I believe is wrong. My job ... is to put positive ideas forward.

"But this year I am going to remind myself as often as possible: people first, politics last. I can't guarantee I'll always get that right – but I'm certainly going to try.

"Because Australians are sick to their core of the petty schoolyard bickering, he-said she-said, the tit-for-tat.

"They're not opposed to genuine debate about the future – but they are over the smallness of so much of the national political conversation ...

"Mind you, that counts for nothing if [scandals over politicians' expense claims make] people think we are acting in our own interests, instead of theirs."

Wow. But this column is no free ad for Team Shorten. I wanted to record it because it was so true, but also to help the man stick to his New Year's resolution.

Actually, it shouldn't surprise that Shorten "gets" all that. Our politicians aren't "out of touch" because that's why their parties (and sometimes, we taxpayers) spend thousands every year conducting focus groups with ordinary voters.

I bet that some of the phrases Shorten used were lifted straight from Labor's market research. Someone in the group blurts out some pithy opinion, everyone else says "Yeah, that's right!" and the researcher writes it down for future use.

As the "political class" knows, the punters love having their own opinions fed back to them. I'd also bet that both parties' rival researchers tell them much the same things about what voters like and dislike.

But if the pollies know how much we hate the way they carry on, why do they keep doing it?

Because some of the things they do still work, even though we hate them. Because they want to win the next election at all cost, and so are willing to do things that bring them immediate advantage, even though they add to the long-term fouling of the collective political nest.

Because many of the unconvincing things they say are intended to shore up the faith of the party faithful, not persuade the rest of us.

Because both sides are afraid that if they're the first to stop behaving badly, the other side will wipe the floor with them. Economists call this a "collective action problem", which can only be fixed by some outside authority imposing a solution on both sides.

Back to Shorten's resolution. It would certainly be a big change to Labor's behaviour since its success at last year's election left Malcolm Turnbull with such a tiny majority.

Labor has followed a sneaky strategy of giving the appearance of co-operation and positivity while quietly seizing opportunities to frustrate the government's program, making it look impotent and unstable.

To keep same-sex marriage alive as an issue for the next election, it has blocked Turnbull's plebiscite, using the excuse that the gay community wanted to avoid the risk of an abusive debate.

Were it less self-interested it would have advised gays that few great social advances come without pain, and that failing to take advantage of the public's present mood of approval risked having to wait many years for what they want so badly.

Just to make life hard for the government, Labor has ignored its principles and sided with Liberal dissidents and rich superannuants claiming Turnbull's super reforms were "retrospective" and sided with asset-rich oldies opposing Turnbull's reform of the age pension means test.

And now, it seems, Labor's preparing to side with elite private schools objecting to the government redirecting some of their lolly to more needy students.

What were you saying about voters being sick of rival politicians playing tit-for-tat, Bill?

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